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Abstract

In an organized society, human beings have revolted against inhuman conditions of living 
or systems that governed them through structured groups called syndicates, movements, 
oppositions and revolutions. The uprising could be spontaneous or initiated/inspired by a 
« wise person » (the philosopher). Admitted that existential realities are the bases for 
every desire to ask for, complain and even demand for substitution in the way of doing 
things, the fundamental question which the paper intends to answer revolves around the 
implication of the philosopher either in inspiring or leading revolution. This is why this 
work is titled: The Philosopher and Revolutionary Attempts in Nigeria. One is of the 
opinion that philosophers are intrinsically part of the revolution either by inspiring 
others or by actually leading revolution. In discussing this topic, one shall first explain 
the meaning of revolution; secondly, the paper expounds the debates concerning the 
involvement of philosophers in revolution and lastly, the paper describes the 
revolutionary attempts in Nigeria

Keywords: Democracy, Deterritorialisation, Philosopher, Reterritorialization, 
Revolution, 

Introduction

It could be accepted that “the developments of philosophical reflections were influenced 
by the paradigm shifts in science” (Onah, 2021, 304). In other words, progress in science 
led to the development of philosophical thoughts. For instance, “The philosophy of Plato 
was influenced by the Mathematics of Greeks; the Cartesian philosophy was shaped by 
the Galileo's construction of the physics; Kant's philosophy followed the pattern of 
Newton's physics; the philosophy of E. Husserl took after mathematical logic and K. 
Marx science of history had great effect on the philosophy of dialectical materialism” 
(Onah, 2021, 304). 

However, with regards to revolution, the debate as to whether or not philosophers are the 
cause of revolution is a complicated one. Deleuze &Guattari (1942, 96) are of the opinion 
that “It's not wrong to say that revolution is “the philosophers' fault”. This is in the 
measure in which his thought provokes the reaction of people in order to overturn a 
supposedly bad system. That is why Merriam-Webster's online dictionary defined 
revolution as “a sudden, radical, or complete change” (Revolution, 2023) in order to oust 
a bad government.

In philosophy, the movement of ideas contributed in shaping the structure of the State, in 
freeing morals from religions (Diop, 1987, 30-31). Philosophical ideas have led to social 
revolution which consists in the inclusion of those who were formerly forbidden to 
occupy certain positions. People from any tribe or religion could be ministers of defense 

THE PHILOSOPHER AND REVOLUTIONARY ATTEMPTS IN NIGERIA

Aloysius Uchechukwu ONAH 
Saint Thomas Aquinas' Major Seminary,

Makurdi, Benue State.
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4606-5080

45



as long as they have the competence (Diop, 1987, 28). Besides, the importance of 
philosophical reflections leading to Hitler's belief that the Aryan race was the most 
superior race in the world is linked to the works of Hegel and Heidegger (Onah, 2021, 
306). According to Mundaya (1996), while Habermas' Theory of Communication was 
elaborated in order to address the solitary and egocentric conscience of westerners  
Gabriel Marcel proposed a new idea of the human being to his contemporaries following 
the effects of the Second World War.  This means that every philosophy is conceived in 
order to solve a particular problem bothering the people at a particular time.

From the preceding line of thought, the pertinent question which this paper wants to 
examine is: to what extent is the philosopher involved in any revolution? Do philosophers 
lead revolutions in person or are revolutions mere product of their thoughts and ideas? 
This present work is interested in analyzing the responsibilities and roles of philosophers 
with regards to change in the human society. This change could be cultural, social or 
political. It will also clarify the implication of playing an “active role” or a “passive role” 
in any revolution as a philosopher. The reflection in this article will be articulated in three 
points: first, I will explain the term “revolution;” secondly, I shall examine the dilemma of 
holding that the philosopher plays an active or passive role in revolution; thirdly, I will 
describe the Nigeria attempts at revolution. 

What is Revolution?

According to Merriam-Webster's online dictionary, revolution can be defined as “a 
fundamental change in political organization especially: the overthrow or renunciation of 
one government or ruler and the substitution of another by the governed” (Revolution, 
2023). This is in view of obtaining a better living condition for the citizenry. That is why it 
is often seen as “activity or movement designed to effect fundamental changes in the 
socioeconomic situation” (Revolution, 2023). Le Bon (2001, 11) wrote: “We generally 
apply the term revolution to sudden political changes, but the expression may be 
employed to denote all sudden transformations, or transformations apparently sudden, 
whether of beliefs, ideas, or doctrines”.

There are tendencies to mix up the term revolution with reformation, movement, etc, or 
even to liken it with coup (Kandelakki, 2006, 2). Minkkinen (2009, 14) likened the term 
revolution “to re-evolution, which denotes that it is important to reorient the process of 
evolution which is taking place in a given social formation and geo-historical context”. 
This means that in the series of events which characterize the life of a group of people, 
there is need to change the principal cause(s) of human suffering or reason for the 
malfunctioning of a system. In the case of reformation, it is understood as the end-result of 
the social order and the form which is reformed (Minkkinen, 2009, 14). Whereas the 
death of human beings is indispensable in revolution, that is not the case in reformation.  
Revolution is a concept that resembles but different from rebellion, resistance or 
secession. 

Considering the impact of revolution in any given society, promoters of “democratization 
preferred to describe transformation of political regime as 'transition'” (Kandelakki, 
2006, 2). In the spirit of democratization, revolution could be likened to a “new mentality 
in order to build a new society” (Lamb, 1983, 73). In the thought of many, it could be 

,

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compared to the struggle for liberation. However, “revolution covers economic, social 
and cultural spheres of life” (Chengte, 2016, 34). Although it is possible to consider 
revolution with reference to changes in a country  (French revolution, Chinese 
revolution), regions (the Arab spring, the dissolution-revolution of the Soviet empire), 
world (in 1848 and 1968 = Read Minkkinen, 2009, 17), but one could also think of it in 
terms of progress in science and technology such as: industrial revolution, digital 
revolution, technological revolution (United Nations, 2016), or even in terms of 
institutional change Marxist revolution (Lamb, 109), the Aristocratic Revolution of the 
City-States among the early Greeks, Latins and Romans (Diop, 1987, 24), demographic 
revolution (Easterlin, 2019, 3) and political revolution.

Moreover, revolution is characterized by profound questions concerning values – that is, 
the manner in which holding on to a value affects human existence. When it is positive, it 
will engender multiple production at different levels in order to improve the living 
condition of human beings. On the contrary, when the significance attributed to human 
existence becomes negative it provokes revolt, disgust, reactions and revolution. Some of 
the unhelpful qualities are government's rampant corruption, blatant election rigging 
(Kandelakki, 2006, 2). It is their importance in the society and the existential realities 
which proceed from them that give rise to different kinds of revolutions.

However, there is possibility of a country or society to undergo revolution based on 
“enthusiasm”. Such enthusiasm involves nothing rational or even reasonable (Deleuze 
&Guattari, 1942, 96). Enthusiasm in this sense presupposes little application of 
rationality. Even though the origin of revolution may be rational, Le Bon (2001, 11) 
explained “we must not forget that the reasons invoked in preparing for it do not influence 
the crowd until they have been transformed into sentiments”. A perfect example would be 
the Georgia's revolution which “involved both a sudden change of power and mass 
mobilization” (Kandelakki, 2006, 3). Unfortunately, those who “find the philosophy 
faculty's teaching a poor substitute for their inclination to enthusiasm” would be unable to 
make a connection between the expression of passion by the crowd and the reflection that 
engendered it. Albert Camus is an ideal representation of a thinker whose idea gathered 
crowd to agitate for change in Algeria. He was a philosopher and a revolutionist. He wrote 
in many journals and was actively involved in some of the protest that took place.

In Europe and America, revolutionary movements have either been positive or negative. 
If the American pragmatic philosophy was successful to the point of producing the 
democratic revolution and a new society, the French philosophy produced a “republic of 
the mind” which is expressed in revolutionary cogito. But England will never stop asking 
why revolutions turn out so badly when they promise so much in spirit. (…) Germany, for 
its part, will not stop reflecting on the French revolution, as something it cannot do 
(Deleuze &Guattari, 1942, 99). This reflexive evaluation of revolution is accentuated if 
one takes time to analyze revolutionary attempts in African continents. 

Generally, the struggle for the independence of African States could be considered as a 
revolution. This began in Kenya when “the Mau Mau guerrillas fought black Africa's first 
war of liberation (Lamb, 1983, 151) and then the nationalist movements (Lamb, 1983, 
161). According to Lamb (1983, 69), “revolution is a popular – and an overworked – word 
in Africa. Almost every president likes to think he is either the product or the producer of 

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The Philosopher And Revolutionary Attempts In Nigeria      -    Aloysius Uchechukwu Onah



one”. One can count the President of SamoraMoisés Machel of Mozambique as one of the 
products and producers of revolution (Lamb, 1983, 70); others are President Julius 
Nyerere “the conscience of black Africa” (Lamb, 1983, 70), Jomo Kenyatta (Lamb, 1983, 
58-65), Jerry Rawlings = “coup of conscience” (Lamb, 287), etc. One attitude that is 
common to all the leaders of revolution is the desire to change the living condition of their 
people. But how successful were they? The terrible happenings in Uganda made 
Ugandans rebels and a ragtag of army invading Tanzanians to revolt against Idi Amin and 
the latter fled to Libya (Lamb, 1983, 79), Mobutu Sese Seko Kuru Ngebendu Wa Za 
Banga of Zaire also went into exile to Morocco (Baggaley, 1997) after exerting hardship 
on the Congo people of Kinshasa;

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mobutu Sese Seko Kuru Ngebendu Wa Za Banga 
entertained fear that the presence of the Faculty of Philosophy (in Faculté Catholique de 
Kinshasa) would produce great and critical minds who will advocate for change in the 
system of governance and better living condition. This made him to suppress the 
department of philosophy in 1971 by merging it with two other universities – l'Université 
de Lubumbashi and l'Université de Kisangani, with the new site in Lubumbashi (Kaplan, 
1979, 71-72). He became conscious of the fact that the unlimited freedom of 
philosophy/philosophers “to proclaim any sort of opinion publicly is bound to be 
dangerous both to the government and to the public itself” (Kant, 1979, 55). Contrary to 
Mobutu's fear, Idi Amin of Uganda “declared himself a doctor of philosophy and the 
chancellor of Makerere University, and the one-time 'Harvard of Africa'” (Lamb, 
1983,89). In either case, the fear of the seat of philosophy in a country or the self-
declaration of doctor in philosophy by dictators does not provide a framework where 
human beings can attain self-accomplishment. In the case of Democratic Republic of 
Congo, it produced what Albert Camus (Camus, 1942, 34) described as “freedom of the 
prisoner” while that of Uganda produced “university of semiliterates” (Lamb, 1983, 89). 
To paraphrase the words of Kant (1979), Mobutu was oblivious of the fact that “the 
philosophy faculty can lay claim to any teaching, in order to test its truth. The government 
cannot forbid it to do this without acting against its own proper and essential purpose.” 
Briefly, the purpose of any government consists in providing a framework for citizens to 
express their freedom. This consideration makes it worthwhile to examine the association 
of the philosopher in revolution. 

The Debates Concerning the Involvement of the Philosopher in Revolution

I would like to indicate three levels of the debates: the philosopher-participant, the 
philosopher-non-participant and the moderate view. The first two are extreme in 
character while the third is an intermediate position. The arguments revolve around 
having a concept and then being a spectator or an actor. The explanation of the 
aforementioned terms will contribute in taking a modest position concerning the role of 
the philosopher in revolution. 

To begin, I would like to ask: Which is most important, to have a concept and then work 
towards actualizing it or to act first, and later qualify one's action? On the one hand, to 
have a concept means to understand and to have knowledge due to some experiences.  
Concepts are not empty thoughts; they are abstract ideas with specific content. On the 

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other hand, concepts are functions in the simplest term (Oxford Dictionary, 2023). With 
regards to the role of the philosopher in any revolution, this means that from the time of 
conceiving an idea, the philosopher has an objective and knows the probable outcome of 
propagating his or her thought. Conversely, the philosopher acts and when his or her 
action begins to have effect, the philosopher begins to interpret the phenomenon by 
forming a concept. In the former, the philosopher is active while in the latter, the 
philosopher could be said to be passive. 

Besides, the active or passive nature of the role of the philosopher may also raise curious 
question like: what is the possibility of separating the “spectator from the actor”? In other 
words, what is the possibility of separating the philosopher who inspires or instigates 
revolution from those who actually lead the revolution? Here, the philosopher who only 
inspires revolution is said to be passive and takes the sense of a spectator and the one who 
actually inspires and leads revolution is said to be active and has the quality of an actor. 
These are extreme positions. While it appears easy to make this distinction between 
“philosopher-spectator” and “philosopher-actor,” it is important to find out under what 
context the philosopher-spectator could be said to be “active”. 

Perhaps, it is better to evaluate the historical context of each revolution in order to arrive 
at a moderate interpretation concerning the philosopher's commitment, either 
emotionally or intellectually to the cause of revolution. This consists in affirming that 
revolution “is self-referential, or enjoys a self-positioning that can be apprehended in an 
immanent enthusiasm” (Deleuze &Guattari, 1942, 97). That is to say, it may not be 
connected to any specific experience in the life of the people who are eager to have a 
change. However, the above way of thinking does not sufficiently explain why people 
agitate for replacement in government or change in the system of doing things. In his 
comments on Kant's work Conflict of faculties, Foucault (2015, 22) explained that the 
author seems to support the fact that the philosopher is involved in revolution. This is 
because by asking the question: “What is Revolution?” the author introduces new form of 
historic-philosophical questioning of the sense of that which also affects him.

Moreover, if truly the philosopher is actively involved in any revolution, it means that 
“The people is interior to the thinker because it is a “becoming-people”” (Deleuze & 
Guattari, 1942, 105). In other words, the philosophers awaken the consciousness of the 
people to the live-experience which is threatening and which is not dignifying. The 
philosopher speaks, writes, educates and “incites” people to do something for themselves 
and for the generation to come. This is because he is enlightened and able to foresee an 
unimaginable amount of suffering which could beset the people. His effort is limited at 
doing this because he feels he is “incapable of creating a people” (Deleuze &Guattari, 
1942, 105). 

Besides, the philosopher is intimately involved in revolution, either at the theoretical 
level by inspiring it or at the practical level by leading it. Just like it is difficult to 
disassociate theory from practice so it is between the philosopher and revolution. In other 
words, “it is not even possible to draw a clean demarcation between 'doing' and 'thinking,' 
(King, 2001, 66). Practically, the philosopher realizes what he could not accomplish alone 
by inspiring the crowd to revolt, demonstrate, and reclaim a better condition of living. But 
theoretically, he uses his tools, paper and pen, to elaborate how people should not be 

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The Philosopher And Revolutionary Attempts In Nigeria      -    Aloysius Uchechukwu Onah



content with the actual state of existence (King, 2001, 66).

From the foregoing line of thought, it is possible to deduce that there is a double force that 
could trigger revolution. At the conceptual level, the philosopher comes down to the level 
of the none philosopher in order to make the latter reflect like him, see things like him and 
reason like him. Afterwards, the people develop enthusiasm to bring about a new society 
with new mindset. Perhaps, this is the result of a combined effort of the philosopher and 
the people. Sometimes the active role of the philosopher is perceptible and at other times 
it is not perceived. What the philosopher and the people who have resolved to overturn a 
bad system “have in common is resistance: resistance to death, to servitude, to the 
intolerable, to shame, to the present” (Deleuze &Guattari, 1942, 105). But what has been 
the experience in Nigeria?

Revolutionary Attempts in Nigeria  

There are three perspectives to understanding the revolutionary attempts in Nigeria. The 
first makes allusion to the struggle for independence, the second has to do with the various 
coups d'Etat after Nigeria's independence and the third is linked to the cohesion of the 
citizenry. I shall describe each of the above attempts to transform Nigeria into a beautiful 
society with a view to pointing out the desire to realize a fundamental change which will 
impact positively in the life of people.  

The first perspective could be situated before the independence of Nigeria. Nationalists 
such as Nnamdi Benjamin Azikiwe, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Ahmadu Ibrahim Bello, 
Chief Margaret Ekpo, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro, 
Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams, Eyo Ita, Mallam Aminu Kano, etc are the heroes 
of the struggle for Nigeria's independence/pioneer political, professional and business 
leaders (The Guardian, 2020). It should be noted that the nationalists' struggle for the 
Independence of Africa in general, and Nigeria in particular is characterized by 
intellectual production on different themes. They spread nationalist consciousness, 
national self-determination; they sought to create an egalitarian society, to defend African 
culture and the decolonization of Africa. 

The significance of the change at that time in the history of Nigeria was to achieve self-
governance and the unity of Nigerians. While it is true “that all revolutions are more or 
less progressive or emancipative” (Minkkinen, 2009, 15), that of the First Republic in 
Nigeria (1963-1966) was regressive and constituted other forms of slavery. This is 
evident in the formation of political parties along ethnic and tribal sentiment (regional 
politics); falsification of census results (Olayiwola, 1991, 36) and the attribution of the 
ownership and media broadcasts with ethnic, tribal and regional status (Olayiwola, 1991, 
36). It created rivalry, feeling of domination by the ruling party, mistrust and the 
aftermaths were the civil war and several coups d'Etat which wrecked the country and 
plunged the citizens into misery. Although the ambition of the nationalists was great but 
the ability to sustain it was disrupted by coups and counter-coups d'Etat. 

The second perspective of revolutionary attempt in Nigeria is marked by coups and 
counter coups d'Etat. This is not surprising because “there can be counter-revolutions 
within revolutionary process” (Minkkinen, 2009, 16). This point of view can be situated 

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after Nigeria's Independence (between 1966-1984). For instance, Nigeria experience 
“three coups d'Etat, the assassinations of two heads of state, and one civil war that claimed 
a million lives” (Lamb, 1983, 301). The coups had the objective either of sanitizing 
corruption and embezzlement of public funds or to succeed in the areas where the civilian 
or previous government had failed. The statements issued after the successful take over 
by coup d'Etat made promises that they “will no longer be ashamed to be Nigerians” 
(Nyang'oro, 1993,140). The declarations were full of ideas to make Nigeria regain her lost 
glory; they were intelligible remarks which solicited the citizens to obedient followership 
in order to justify reason for overthrowing previous government.  Nevertheless, the 
revolutionary experiences at this time in the history of Nigeria could be described as 
marked by “neo-liberal and anti-social economic policies, in combination with 
undemocratic rule and the repression of especially the leftist opposition” (Minkkinen, 
2009, 16). 

In reality, “the counter coup against General Gowon in 1975 had been justified in part by 
elements in the military who argued that Gowon was about to renege on a promise of a 
return to civilian rule” (Nyang'oro, 1993, 130). Besides, a close examination of the 
various coups d'Etat in Nigeria is best described as “officer coups”. According to 
Nyang'oro (1993, 133), “officer coups are systemic in nature, that is, they reflect 
cleavages (class, ethnicity, nationality, regional, etc) in society”.  Again, this perspective 
of revolutionary attempt failed because the various heads of State imposed themselves on 
the people against their consent.  For instance, the first coup which produced Major-
General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi as the Nigeria's first Military Head 
of State. It could be said that the military were incompetent in administration, wasteful 
and abandoned agricultural based economy. 

Being a democratic State, Nigeria is governed by the principle of majority carries the 
vote. However, where democratic principles are not respected and the rule of law is 
relegated to the background, the people who are supposed to be beneficiaries of the 
dividend of this form of government will be forced to revolt. The people could justify 
their collective action using democratic means such as impeachment. This means that 
military interruption of democratic regime is a kind of revolutionary activity that 
damages a group of people with an explicit purpose and written rules. 

The third perspective to the revolutionary attempt in Nigeria can best be described along 
the line of thought of Deleuze &Guattari (1942) as the willingness to achieve 
“deterritorialisation”. In this work, the term “deterritorialisation” means the ability of 
people to recognize their common humanity and to join force in order to fight a common 
enemy. The people (Nigerians) do not look at their individual characteristics such as 
tribes, religion or ethnic group. Their sole objective in the common struggle is to obtain a 
dignified condition of living for everyone. It is the determination to live together without 
discrimination. “Deterritorialisation” is an assiduous effort to live in the same territory 
with people from the Southern part of Nigeria or Northern part of Nigeria. In this case, it is 
a persistent activity to realize, in the words of Nnamdi Azikiwe “One Nigeria”. 

Nigerians have made several efforts to live together, to appreciate the humanity of fellow 
citizen, especially when they became aware that the politicians are the ones inciting them 
to discriminate and victimize others along ethnic, tribal and religious difference. Efforts 

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The Philosopher And Revolutionary Attempts In Nigeria      -    Aloysius Uchechukwu Onah



in this direction were manifested in the 1993 General Elections and 2023 General 
Elections. However, in the former, the results of the General Elections were annulled by 
the military president Ibrahim Babangida (Okorie, 2021, 27) while in the latter, the results 
are still being contested by major opposition leaders like Peter Gregory Obi and Atiku 
Abubakar in the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal (PEPT) in Abuja (The Cable, 
2023).

The coming together of Nigerians, irrespective of their individual characteristics to 
express their franchise could only be made possible through the expertise of philosophers 
– They help the citizens (through debates, analysis and discussions) to be radically 
conscious of the deplorable condition of living or in extreme case, to inspire the process of 
the “transevaluation of values”. The intervention of philosophers in this context would be 
described as “reterritorialization”.  By reterritorialization, I mean the conceptual work 
through which philosophers gather people together in order to fight a just cause. It 
consists in making recommendations, suggestions and proposals to find solutions to the 
problem confronting humanity. Concretely, reterritorialization inspires everyone, 
irrespective of cultural background or political affiliation to come together in a 
designated “space” in order to make it sane. This is the ultimate goal of every revolution 
or political movement – peaceful co-existence of human beings, equal right and dignity of 
every human being. 

Conclusion

It is evident from this work that revolutions have taken place in the history of human 
society. Even though this article did not give the details of each revolution, the 
motivations for any revolution remains the desire for a better society, an improved living 
condition for human beings and the aspiration for an effective system of administration. 

The implication of philosophers in any revolution reveals that they are part of the human 
society; their commitment to building a social order where everyone can find his or her 
place obliges them to educate the people about the need for change. Their loyalty to the 
nation requires that the procedure should be non violent. The philosophers are neither 
passive nor spectators to what is happening in the society. Even if the spark off of 
revolution could be attributed to philosophers, it is however difficult to control the 
enthusiasm and the passion of people who are determined to come out of undignified 
condition of living. When the people succeed in gaining back their self-respect, the 
revolution is victorious; but their failure to overturn the cause of their misfortune means 
the revolution did not succeed.

In the case of Nigeria, three revolutionary perspectives were identified. They were 
attempts to change the way of things as opposed to what they thought and felt it should be. 
The existing states of affairs were: the fight for independence, the objectives of various 
military interventions in the process of government and the effort to express their quality 
of being benevolent. The procedure of achieving this begins with the philosopher in what 
I call “reterritorialisation” and the space for experiencing our humanity is what I called 
“deterritorialisation”. 

This approach of discussing revolutionary attempts in Nigeria reveals that philosophers 
have their role to play in changing the order of things or systems that are unfavorable, 
adverse and detrimental to a happy Nigeria. 

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